One year after the Gaza ceasefire agreement was reached, more than 100 humanitarian, human rights, and other civil society organisations say the ceasefire exists in name only, with Israeli forces continuing to kill and injure Palestinians daily, and restrictions on aid, equipment and rebuilding materials preventing families from recovering.

The killing and deprivation in Gaza must not be normalised under the cover of a ceasefire agreement, the organisations working on the situation in the occupied Palestinian territory warned today.

Mohsen Abu Ramadan, Palestinian NGO Network Board Member, said:

“Palestinian organisations are responding to immense needs under Israeli occupation with destroyed offices, displaced staff, and shrinking budgets. Local and national organisations are first responders and will remain, but we need to be protected. Governments must act to end Israel’s attacks and restrictions on our work and donors must provide direct, flexible funding to meet the needs.”

Over the past year, Israeli strikes, shootings and military operations have killed more than 1,400 Palestinians, including at least 327 children. Families and rescue workers have recovered hundreds of bodies from the rubble, often with their bare hands, as Israeli authorities restrict the entry of machinery needed to reach them. Many more remain buried and unreachable.

The Israeli military has also moved the so-called Yellow Line further into Gaza, beyond the withdrawal line set out in the agreement, squeezing Palestinians into an increasingly small and overcrowded area.

Inger Ashing, Save the Children International CEO, said:

“A ceasefire is meaningless if children are still being killed and families are still unable to rebuild their lives. Since the ceasefire was announced, nearly one child has been killed every day. Families remain trapped in a devastating cycle of loss and deprivation, unable to recover. Governments that backed this agreement must use their influence to stop the killing and ensure children can access food, healthcare, shelter and education. Gaza’s children have a right to safety and a future. Governments have the power to help secure both, and they must use it.”

Recent satellite imagery shows the scale of devastation caused by Israeli forces, with neighbourhoods reduced to rubble, homes flattened and agricultural land razed. More than 80% of structures across Gaza have been damaged, including around two-thirds that have been destroyed.

As winter approaches, hundreds of thousands of families still live in tents, makeshift shelters or damaged homes and face a fourth winter exposed to cold, wind and flooding. Nearly one in four households in Gaza is now headed by a woman, and these families are far more likely to be living in unsafe or inadequate shelter.

For many, there is simply nowhere safe to go. Families are sheltering in war-damaged buildings at risk of collapse. In September, 21 people, including 12 children, were killed when a damaged building collapsed in Gaza City.

Jan Egeland, Norwegian Refugee Council Secretary General, said:

“It is utterly shameful that a full year after the ceasefire was signed, so little has improved for Palestinians in Gaza. Families are still being forced to make impossible choices, between sheltering in damaged and dangerous buildings or living in tents facing unbearable temperatures. Israeli restrictions are still preventing the required equipment or materials, which are the only ways for communities to begin rebuilding their lives. As winter approaches, all governments must take concrete steps to ensure that the flow of aid increases without hindrance, so that Palestinians can finally begin the vast task of recovery and reconstruction.”

These same restrictions are devastating essential services. Not one of Gaza’s 36 hospitals is fully functioning, while medicines, equipment and fuel remain critically scarce. Newborn babies in incubators, patients requiring oxygen or intensive care, older people and people with disabilities and life-changing injuries are among those facing acute risks as specialised treatment, rehabilitation and assistive services remain severely limited.

More than 18,500 patients, including at least 4,000 children, still need medical evacuation, and over 1,000 have died waiting.

Meanwhile, 1.4 million people are facing crisis-level hunger or worse through the end of the year. At the same time, unsafe water and devastated sanitation systems continue to drive the spread of preventable disease.

A year on, the pattern is unmistakable. Families are still being killed. Children are still dying of preventable illness. Gaza is still littered with unexploded ordnance. Homes lie in rubble that cannot be cleared, and aid cannot reach the people who so desperately need it. This is not what a ceasefire was meant to deliver. It reflects the same conditions that twice led the UN Commission of Inquiry, in September 2025 and again in June 2026, to conclude that Israel has committed genocide. The international community’s responsibility does not end with an agreement on paper.

Agnes Callmard, Secretary-General of Amnesty International, said:

“Accountability cannot be swept under the rubble. The recovery and future of Gaza cannot be separated from a framework grounded in international law, justice, and the rights of victims. The persistent failure to hold Israel accountable and press Israel to comply with the International Court of Justice’s binding orders continues to fuel the atrocity crimes on a mass scale against Palestinians.”

EDITOR’S NOTES

• Casualties: At least 327 children killed and 547 injured during ceasefire period, according to Gaza Ministry of Health; more than 5,000 injured overall (WHO – Global Health Cluster); more than 630 bodies recovered from rubble; many more remain buried or unreachable in areas under Israeli military control (OHCHR).
• Yellow Line: area under Israeli control expanded from ~53% to ~63% of Gaza over the ceasefire year (OCHA).
• Destruction: 82% of structures damaged, over two-thirds completely destroyed (UNRWA); 61 million tonnes of rubble, ~20x the amount generated by all wars worldwide over the past 18 years (The Guardian; UNDP).
• Destruction continuing under ceasefire: 9% increase in structures classified as completely destroyed, 11 October 2025 to 11 August 2026. (UNRWA; UNOSAT)
• Concerns raised regarding rubble removal risking destruction of evidence of international crimes; estimated 10,000+ people still buried beneath debris (OHCHR)
• Health: engine oil/spare parts shortages forcing hospitals to ration power; humanitarian vehicles and ambulances grounded; deaths from preventable/treatable conditions, including pregnancy-related complications. (OCHA)
• Women-headed households: nearly 1 in 4, roughly double the pre-war rate. (UN Women)
• Funding: <40% of the 2026 humanitarian response funded as of July. (OCHA)
• Water insecurity: >9 in 10 households. (OCHA)

Signatories:

Zeina women Charity ZWC

A New Policy

Act Church of Sweden

Action For Humanity

ActionAid

Agricultural Development Association (PARC)

Ajyal Association for Creativity & Development

Alanqaa Association for Community Development

Al Najda Social Association

Al-dameer Association for Human Rights

Al-Foukhary Association For Rural Development

Al-Muntada Cultural Forum for Youth

Alrahma charitable society for rehabilitation

Alwaleed Charity Association

American Friends Service Committee (AFSC)

Amnesty International

Applied Research Institute-Jerusalem

Arab Agronomists Association

Arab Center for Agricultural Development (ACAD)

Basma Society for Culture and Arts.

Beesan Benevolent Association

Brilliant Tomorrow for Homes Sons Society

Bystanders No More

Caritas Internationalis

Catholic Agency for Overseas Development (CAFOD)

Catholic Caucus , Christians for Free Palestine

Center for Civilians in Conflict (CIVIC)

CESVI

Child Rights International Network (CRIN)

Children Not Numbers

Choose Love

Christian Aid

Christian Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament

Churches for Middle East Peace

CIDSE – International family of Catholic social justice organisations

CNCD-11.11.11

Community Development and Media Center – CDMC

Council for Arab-British Understanding (Caabu)

DanChurchAid

Danish Muslim Aid

Danish Refugee Council

DEFENCE FOR CHILDREN INTERNATIONAL

Democracy and Workers’ Rights Center in Palestine

Democracy for the Arab World Now (DAWN)

Doctors Against Genocide

Dr. Haider Abdel Shafi Center for Culture and Development

Etijahat Center

Fares Al-Arab for Development and Charity Works

Fellowship of Reconciliation (FOR)

Friends Committee on National Legislation

Future Association for Development & Environment (FADE)

Gaza Urban & Peri-urban Agriculture Platform

General Palestinian Union For People With Disabilities

Give Palestine Association

Glia

Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect (GCR2P)

Global Legal Action Network (GLAN)

Greenpeace International

HelpAge International

Human Rights and Democracy Media Center-SHAMS

Humanity and Inclusion (Handicap International)

International Commission to Support Palestinian Rights- ICSPR

International Development and Relief Foundation (IDRF)

International Media Support

Islamic Relief

JAHALIN SOLIDARITY

Japan International Volunteer Center (JVC)

Just Foreign Policy

Karama for Culture and Arts

Kotof El-Khair Association

LABOR RESOURCES CENTER

Local Communities Organization

MA’AN Development Center

Médecins du Monde International Network

Medical Aid for Palestinians (MAP)

Medico international

Mennonite Central Committee

Nafs for Empowerment

National Justice and Peace Network

Nipponzan Myohoji – New England Peace Pagoda

Nonviolent Peaceforce

Norwegian Church Aid

Norwegian People’s Aid

Norwegian Refugee Council

Olof Palme International Center

Oxfam

Palestine Association for Development and Justice

Palestine Avenir for Childhood Foundation

Palestinian Crescent Society for Relief and Development

Palestinian NGOs Network (PNGO)

Palestinian Women Union Association

Pax Christi England and Wales

Pax Christi International

Peace Action

Peace Action New York State

Première Urgence Internationale

Priests Against Genocide USA

Refugees International

Right to Childhood

Roya Association For Development Abilities

Saferworld

Save the Children

Scottish Catholic International Aid Fund

Society of Women Graduates

Taghreed Association for Culture and Development

Tearfund

Terre des Hommes Foundation

Terre des Hommes Germany

Terre des Hommes Italy

Terre des Hommes Netherlands

The Coalition for Accountability and Integrity – AMAN

The Danish House in Palestine (DHIP)

The Middle East Children’s Alliance

The Palestinian Developmental Women Studies Association (PDWSA)

United Against Inhumanity (UAI)

United Nations Association – Denmark

UNRWA USA National Committee

War Child Alliance

Women’s Program Center- Beach Camp

Youth Vision Society

The post “Gaza ceasefire exists in name only”, say more than 100 organizations. appeared first on United Against Inhumanity.

Dear Prime Minister,

United Against Inhumanity (UAI) and the signatories below call on you and your government to withdraw the government’s plan to return a group of refugees from Myanmar to their country of origin on 29 September.

UAI is also urging relevant organizations of the UN system, including the Office of the High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) to intervene with your government to ensure that the proposed repatriation does not go ahead, while conditions for safe, dignified, and voluntary return of refugees to Myanmar are not in place.

UNHCR has registered 193,824 refugees and asylum seekers from Myanmar in Malaysia, comprising 126,144 Rohingya, 15,774 Chins, and 33,002 members of other ethnic groups from conflict-affected areas or fleeing persecution in Myanmar. For the large majority, this movement entailed a hazardous journey by sea and/or land. Despite Malaysia being an upper middle income country, its treatment of refugees and asylum seekers from Myanmar falls short of expectations and has recently not met international standards for the protection of refugees. Their legal status is tenuous, and the community has been the target of periodic crackdowns involving detention, corporal punishment, eviction and other forms of harassment.

While few details of the proposed repatriation have been released, return of any refugees to Myanmar in the circumstances currently prevailing in that country would be completely inappropriate.

The majority of refugees from Myanmar in Malaysia are Rohingya, a predominantly Muslim minority group who have been denied citizenship in the largely Buddhist state of Myanmar, where they have been subjected to genocide, mass expulsion and other grievous human rights violations.

Adult Rohingya in Malaysia have few livelihood options and are often forced to eke out a living by working in the unregulated labour market, while Rohingya children are barred from attending Malaysia’s public schools. Political and popular hostility to the Rohingya has been growing in recent months, inflamed by social media posts unfairly accusing Rohingya refugees of criminal and anti-social behaviour.

In July, your government announced that 1476 refugees from Myanmar would return to their country of origin, purportedly on a voluntary basis on 29 September. The government stated that Myanmar’s military junta had agreed to take back 5000, approximately half of the 10,000 Myanmar refugees currently in Malaysian immigration detention centres, and designated as members of Malaysia’s refugee community ‘authorized’ to return to Myanmar.

Given the extreme pressures currently being placed on the Rohingya and other ethnic minorities in Myanmar, UAI does not believe that any return of refugees at the present time would be voluntary in nature. As such, it would violate the internationally recognized principle of non-refoulement, which prevents refugees from being returned to a place where their life and liberty would be at risk.

Such a risk evidently exists in Myanmar, where the junta is engaged in a vicious war against its own people, including a variety of ethnically-based armies.

While the Myanmar junta has said that a small proportion of Malaysia’s refugee population would be allowed to return, it has given no indication as to where they might settle or what guarantees would be offered for their safety and livelihoods.

Rohingya refugees in Malaysia and throughout South and South-East Asia have repeatedly expressed their desire to return to Myanmar, provided that they can do so in a safe, dignified and voluntary manner, with full recognition of their citizenship and respect for their human rights.

Rohingya community groups based in Malaysia have made it clear that those conditions do not currently exist. They have called for the planned repatriation to be suspended, and for your government to consult with UNHCR and refugee representatives before proceeding with any returns. In the words of one of their number, “we are stateless. There is no way we can return home safely when we face ongoing genocide back home.”

UNHCR itself has stated that conditions in Myanmar are not conducive to refugee returns, and has made it clear that the organization will have no involvement in the proposed repatriation.

In these circumstances, we would urge you to abandon the scheduled repatriation of refugees from Myanmar, and to acknowledge their continuing need for international protection. We would also urge you to allow refugees from Myanmar to remain in the country with a secure legal status enabling a range of rights and protections, including the right to work and access to education and other services.

Accept, Excellency, the assurances of our highest consideration.

Signed on behalf of United Against Inhumanity (UAI) by the individuals listed below,

a group whose signatories include former United Nations Assistant Secretaries-General, former ambassadors and senior UN and humanitarian officials, and leading academics working on refugee protection and Myanmar:

SIGNATORIES

Laetitia van den Assum
Former Ambassador and Member of the Rakhine State Advisory Commission

Dr. Richard Anson
Former World Bank Staff, Independent Consultant and Affiliate of HDPI

Martin Barber
Secretary, International Executive Committee, UAI and former Director of UN Mine Action Service

Mark Bowden
Former UN Assistant Secretary General

James Brasher III
Former Special Assistant to President Jimmy Carter and Founding Director of the Global Philanthropists Circle

Jeff Crisp
Refugee Studies Centre, Oxford

Antonio Donini
Co-founder and Member of the International Executive Committee of UAI

Sumayya Ferdous
Convener of the UAI Task Team on Myanmar

Iain Guest
Former UNHCR Official and International Journalist

Maggie Heraty OBE
Hon Sec UAI in the UK & Advisor on Humanitarian Logistics

Catriona Jarvis
Director and Chair of Trustees, Methoria

Chris Kaye
Former UN WFP Director, Hon Prof. (Bristol University)

Ian Martin
Former United Nations Official

Professor Kirsten McConnachie
School of Law, University of East Anglia, UK

Salem Mezhoud
Vice-Chair, International Executive Committee of UAI

Michael Mosselmans
Co-chair of UAI in the UK and Head of Humanitarian Division, Christian Aid

Christine Mougne
Former UNHCR Staff

Norah Niland
Co-founder of United Against Inhumanity, Former Director Human Rights UNAMA

Roger Pearson
Former UN Official

Sir Charles Petrie
Former United Nations Assistant Secretary General

Jean-Baptiste Richardier
Co-founder and Member of the International Executive Committee of UAI

Patricia Rogers
Chair, United Nations Association, London and South East Region

Claudio Schuftan
Member of People’s Health Movement

Gerald Sousa Mendes
UAI and Fundação Aristides de Sousa Mendes – General Council

Frederick Spielberg
Former Humanitarian Specialist, UNICEF, UNDP, DHA

John Williamson
Former UNHCR Social Services Officer

The post “No Time to Return Refugees to Myanmar”: An Open Letter from UAI to Malaysia’s Prime Minister appeared first on United Against Inhumanity.

This statement argues that a new and better approach is needed to ensure the respectful and dignified treatment of people arriving in Europe from other parts of the world. It provides a commentary on the EU Pact and Strategy on Migration and Asylum, both of which take effect on 12 June 2026. The statement also explains why European governments and institutions will be unable to implement the Pact and Strategy in a humane and equitable manner unless they take full account of the Manifesto to Stop the Inhumanity at Europe’s Borders.

AN UNACCEPTABLE APPROACH

Europe’s recent approach to migration and asylum has been unacceptable. Many thousands of people have drowned while trying to reach the region by sea, while others have been subjected to appalling levels of brutality at and within the continent’s borders.

European states are spending billions of Euros on measures intended to obstruct and deter refugees and other migrants, many of whom are escaping war and persecution, the consequences of climate change and absence of livelihood opportunities, from reaching the region. They are committing billions more to administering asylum claims and providing assistance to those who succeed in completing the journey. At the same time, funding to support refugees and people seeking asylum in their regions of origin has been dramatically reduced.

New arrivals in Europe are routinely prevented from working and supporting themselves, thereby inflating the costs incurred by states, threatening their wellbeing and placing extra pressures on local communities. As a result, public opinion has turned against foreign nationals and ethnic minorities, irrespective of their legal status. A toxic debate on migration and asylum is taking place throughout much of the continent, encouraged by populist politicians and xenophobic media outlets.

The people who benefit most from this alarming situation include criminal smuggling enterprises, corrupt government officials, exploitative landlords and employers, unscrupulous immigration advisers, extremist groups and political parties.

TURNING PRINCIPLES INTO PRACTICE

There is another and better way to address the issue of migration and asylum in Europe. It is a way that enables people to reach the continent without having to take difficult and dangerous journeys. It is a way that enables all new arrivals to be treated with dignity and respect. And it is a way that undermines the activities of unscrupulous individuals and organizations that are exploiting the vulnerability of those who are on the move.

In order to put these principles into practice, the Campaign has published a Manifesto to Stop the Inhumanity at Europe’s Borders, which has been endorsed by 150+ civil society organizations worldwide.

The Manifesto addresses a set of recommendations to European states and institutions, focusing on five key demands:

1. Saving Lives
2. Humanizing Reception Arrangements
3. Ending Containment
4. Establishing Safe Routes
5. Enabling Justice And Redress

We urge all European states and institutions to examine the demands and recommendations set out in the Manifesto and to take them into full account in the implementation of the Pact on Migration and Asylum and the associated Migration and Asylum Management Strategy.

THE EU PACT AND STRATEGY

The EU Strategy on Migration and Asylum states that it aims to “break the business of criminal smuggling networks, protect people fleeing war and persecution, and encourage talent to come to the EU to boost the competitiveness of our economy.”  

We endorse those broad objectives, while pointing out that the business of people smuggling has expanded in recent years largely because regular routes to Europe have been blocked by measures intended to prevent and deter people from entering the region.

We support the EU view that migration and asylum issues should be addressed with “a common approach and in a consistent manner”. At the same time, we are concerned that the strategy devised by the EU fails to provide viable options for safe travel and productive livelihoods for people fleeing persecution, armed conflict and other threats to their wellbeing.

UNEVEN IMPLEMENTATION

Implementation of the EU Pact and Strategy seems certain to be uneven, with member states varying considerably in their understanding of and commitment to these initiatives. While a small number of governments have taken the opportunity to strengthen their asylum and reception systems, many have given preference to the exclusion of refugees and asylum seekers through the establishment of outsourcing and containment deals with non-EU states.

NATIONAL PLANS

The EU and its member states have not been sufficiently rigorous in their engagement with civil society in the development of national implementation plans for the EU Pact and Strategy. There has also been insufficient transparency with respect to the content of these plans, reinforcing fears that the new regulations will be used as a vehicle for the introduction of more restrictive policies. While the EU’s stated commitment to the protection of people fleeing war and persecution is welcome, many provisions of the Pact and other recent EU initiatives related to asylum threaten to undermine that objective.

DETENTION

As a result of the Pact’s implementation, there is likely to be an increase in the number of refugees and asylum seekers, including children, being detained for long periods of time in prison-like facilities at the borders of Europe. Member states should in all cases use detention only as a last resort and seek alternatives to incarceration. The detention of children should be prohibited.

DISPERSAL

Under the provisions of the Pact, new arrivals in the EU may be obliged to remain in non-European states that currently lack the resources and infrastructure needed to offer humane and acceptable reception facilities. While there are provisions in the Pact for some arrivals to be dispersed more equitably across the EU, this arrangement will not be binding.

REMOVAL

If recent EU proposals are implemented, people seeking asylum who originate from, or who have passed through, countries that are deemed to be safe, as well as those whose asylum claims have been rejected, will be swiftly removed from member states. If their country of origin or transit refuses to readmit them, they could end up languishing indefinitely in so-called ‘return hubs’ that are likely to involve detention and to be poorly serviced, unless substantial additional resources are devoted to these facilities.

SAFE ROUTES

While the EU has made a commitment to the establishment of regular migration pathways for people wishing to enter Europe and who might otherwise embark on dangerous journeys, the number of people who will be offered access to such safe and legal routes seems likely to be extremely modest.

The EU Resettlement Framework provides a good start, but needs to be significantly more ambitious, commensurate with the EU’s size and its responsibility sharing commitments articulated through the Global Compact on Refugees. States should also explore other schemes such as those linked to education, employment and family reunion, which would significantly increase safe routes for people seeking asylum. 

MONITORING

We are concerned that the implementation of the Pact and Strategy will proceed with inadequate and unequal levels of monitoring and accountability across Europe. While the Pact provides for the establishment of an independent border monitoring mechanism, the constraints placed on its capacity may well mean that the abuses committed by states, such as pushbacks at sea and on land, continue unabated.

Civil society organizations (CSOs) have a vital role to play in the monitoring process and are encouraged to engage with national authorities, the media and public so as to ensure that their findings are acted upon. States should facilitate, rather than hinder, the work of CSOs.

To ensure maximum levels of compliance, both with the principles of the EU Pact and with the recommendations of the Manifesto, we also call on national governments and  European institutions to monitor the implementation of the Pact in each country and report findings regularly to the EU Asylum Agency, the EU Agency for Fundamental Rights and Frontex. Reports should also be provided to the European and national parliaments.

CONCLUSION

We support a European approach to migration and asylum that enables the region to act in a coordinated, coherent and compassionate manner. In the current political and economic environment, however, those objectives will be difficult to attain. An alternative approach is required, taking full account of the recommendations found in the Manifesto to Stop the Inhumanity at Europe’s Borders.  

At the same time, the EU and its member states, with the support of humanitarian and development actors, must take a broader view of the migration and asylum issue, addressing the sources of inhumanity in countries of origin, first asylum and transit. When people move, they should be able to do so out of choice and in safety and dignity.

The post There is a better way! appeared first on United Against Inhumanity.

As humanitarian and human rights organisations that have worked for years in Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territory, we are appalled by the Israeli Knesset’s decision to approve a bill that makes death penalty effectively mandatory in the West Bank and which will de facto apply exclusively to Palestinians.

On 30 March, the Knesset approved a bill, introduced by the party of Minister of National Security Ben-Gvir, expanding the use of the death penalty in both military and civilian courts. Although Israeli law has long provided for the death penalty for cases of genocide and wartime espionage, Israel has not carried out executions nor imposed death sentences since 1962. This new legislation not only marks a significant regression: it also does so by imposing capital punishment on de facto ethnic or national grounds and by diluting basic legal safeguards.

In the West Bank – excluding East Jerusalem – the law imposes the death penalty as the default sentence for those convicted of intentional killings classified as acts of terrorism under Israeli legislation, allowing life imprisonment – and life imprisonment only – in “special circumstances” that are not specified in law. Military courts may impose capital punishment by a simple majority, even without a prosecutorial request. Sentences cannot be commuted or pardoned and must be carried out within 90 days. Notably, Israeli settlers in the West Bank are explicitly excluded from the scope of this provision.

Within Israel, civilian courts may impose the death penalty or life imprisonment for intentional killings, if they are committed with the aim of “negating the existence of the State of Israel.” 

Therefore, while the law does not explicitly reference ethnicity or nationality, it is effectively designed to target Palestinians exclusively. It also introduces an exceptional execution regime by hanging, characterised by secrecy, and limited access to legal counsel and external oversight.

The European Union has consistently held that capital punishment is cruel, inhuman, and incompatible with human dignity under all circumstances. But even beyond this principled stance, the new Israeli law breaches basic safeguards recognised by the international community to protect the rights of those facing the death penalty. Its discriminatory nature and lack of due process guarantee, violate the right to life and protections enshrined in international humanitarian and human rights law, such as the Fourth Geneva Convention, the Hague Regulations, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the Convention Against Torture.

Diplomatic engagement by the EU and its Member States urging Israel to reverse course has so far proven ineffective. This appalling development occurs amid an ongoing manmade humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza, which a UN Commission of Inquiry, multiple Palestinian, Israeli and international organizations, and independent experts have characterised as constituting genocide, and against the backdrop of an accelerating de facto annexation of the West Bank, as acknowledged by the International Court of Justice in its Advisory Opinion of 19 July 2024. The adoption of the death penalty law is thus part of a pattern of discriminatory policies and practices against Palestinians, which in the same Advisory Opinion the International Court of Justice has found to violate Article 3 CERD, which prohibits racial segregation and apartheid.

In furtherance of these policies, Israel has already crossed established EU red lines: the advancement of settlement construction in the E1 area, which breaks the territorial contiguity of the West Bank, with the intent to prevent a future Palestinian state; the ban on UNRWA and attacks on its facilities, including schools and clinics built and run with EU contributions; the expulsion of international NGOs through restrictive registration procedures; forced evictions of Palestinian residents in East Jerusalem; forced displacement of tens of thousands of Palestinians and widespread demolitions of Palestinian homes and infrastructure in the West Bank, including EU-funded projects; persistent impunity for abuses by Israeli security forces and state-backed settler violence; reports of widespread and systemic torture and mistreatment of Palestinian prisoners; restrictions on religious freedoms; attacks on journalists; and denial of access to EU officials.

As also recalled by the EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs Kallas in her statement of 31 March, the EU-Israel Association Agreement establishes respect for democratic principles as an essential element of EU-Israel relations. A review conducted by the EU in June 2025 based on Article 2 of the Agreement found Israel in breach of its human rights obligations for serious abuses against Palestinians and violations of the laws of war, both in Gaza and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem.

Nine months on, the time for action is long overdue. The European Union must uphold its stated principles and legal obligations by finally suspending, as a minimum immediate measure, the trade component of the EU-Israel Association Agreement and adopting other measures, as proposed by President von der Leyen in September 2025.

Signatories:

1. 11.11.11
2. ACT Alliance EU
3. Act Church of Sweden 
4. ActionAid International
5. Amnesty International
6. American Friends Service Committee (AFSC)
7. Bystanders No More
8. Caritas Europa
9. Caritas MONA (Middle East and North Africa)
10. Child Rights International Network (CRIN)
11. Children Not Numbers
12. Christian Aid
13. CIDSE – International Family of Catholic Social Justice Organisations
14. CNCD-11.11.11
15. Cooperazione Internazionale Sud-Sud (CISS)
16. DanChurchAid
17. 80:20 Educating and Acting for a Better World
18. EuroMed Rights
19. Finn Church Aid
20. Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect (GCR2P)
21. Human Rights Watch
22. Insecurity Insight
23. International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH)
24. Lebanese Center for Human Rights (CLDH)
25. Norwegian Church Aid
26. Oxfam
27. Pax Christi International
28. Public Commitee Against Torture in Israel
29. Trócaire
30. United Against Inhumanity
31. Women’s Centre for Legal Aid and Counselling (WCLAC) 

The post Israel/OPT: Adoption of death penalty law by the Israeli Knesset requires urgent EU measures – Joint statement appeared first on United Against Inhumanity.

The clock is ticking on a large part of the humanitarian response sustaining civilians in the
occupied Palestinian territory.

Thirty-seven international aid organisations have been ordered by Israeli authorities to cease
operations in the occupied Palestinian territory by the end of February under revised Israeli
registration rules. With efforts to force closures imminent, a group of leading humanitarian
organisations have taken the unprecedented step of jointly petitioning the Israeli High Court to
suspend the measures before irreparable harm is done to civilians who rely on their assistance.
On 30 December 2025, the affected organisations were formally notified that their Israeli
registrations would expire the following day and that they would have 60 days to wind down
activities in Gaza and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem. The notification letter stated
that the decision could only be overturned if organisations completed the full registration
process, with which they cannot legally or ethically comply.

Efforts to force closures could begin as early as 28 February 2026. The effect would be
immediate, extending well beyond individual organisations to the wider humanitarian system. In
Gaza, families remain dependent on external assistance amid continuing restrictions on aid
entry and renewed strikes in densely populated areas. In the West Bank, including East
Jerusalem, military incursions, demolitions, displacement, settlement expansion and settler
violence are driving rising humanitarian needs.

Palestinian Authority registration provides the lawful basis for international NGOs to operate in
Palestinian territory. Under the Fourth Geneva Convention, an occupying power must facilitate
relief for civilians under its control. Conditioning humanitarian presence on sweeping
administrative demands, including the transfer of comprehensive national staff lists, alongside
vague and politicised grounds for denial, risks disrupting life-saving services and eroding the
obligation to ensure civilian welfare under occupation.

The demand to transfer personal data raises acute security and legal risks. It exposes national
staff to potential retaliation and undermines established data protection and confidentiality
safeguards. For European organisations in particular, compliance would create serious legal
and contractual liabilities. More broadly, such requirements set a precedent that could chill
principled humanitarian engagement in highly politicised contexts.
International NGOs have proposed practical alternatives, including independent sanctions
screening and donor-audited vetting systems, that preserve both compliance and staff
protection without disclosing personal data. No substantive response has been provided.
Enforcement has meanwhile begun in practice, including blocked supplies and denial of visas
and access for foreign staff.
Alongside UN agencies and Palestinian partners, international NGOs support or implement the
delivery of more than half of all food assistance in Gaza, 60 per cent of field hospitals’
operations, nearly three quarters of shelter and non-food item activities, all inpatient treatment
for children suffering severe acute malnutrition and 30 per cent of emergency education
services, in addition to funding over half of explosive hazard clearance.
The petition seeks an urgent Interim Injunction to suspend expiry of registrations and prevent
further enforcement pending judicial review. The petitioning organisations contend that these
administrative measures constitute an effort to curtail established humanitarian operations in a
manner incompatible with the obligations of an occupying power under international
humanitarian law.
Governments must act urgently to prevent implementation of these measures and to ensure that
humanitarian relief remains principled, independent, and unhindered. If these measures take
effect, aid will be impeded not because needs have eased, but because it has been rendered
optional, conditional, or politicised. At a moment when civilians depend on assistance to survive,
that outcome would carry immediate and irreversible human consequences.
Petitioners and supporting organizations

All We Can

• ActionAid Australia
• Alianza Por La Solidaridad
• Association of International Development Agencies (AIDA)
• Bystanders No More
• CADUS e.V.
• Choose Love
• Christian Aid
• Churches for Middle East Peace
• DanChurchAid
• Danish Refugee Council
• Diakonia, Sweden
• Humanity & Inclusion – Handicap International
• medico international
• Middle East Children’s Alliance
• Movimiento por la Paz, Desarme y Libertad – MPDL
• Muslim Aid
• Nonviolent Peaceforce
• Norwegian Church Aid
• Norwegian Refugee Council
• Oxfam
• Pax Christi International
• Première Urgence Internationale (PUI)
• Pro Peace
• Refugees International
• Start Network
• Tearfund
• Terre des hommes Italy
• Terre des hommes Lausanne (Tdh)
• United Against Inhumanity
• Weltfriedensdienst e.V. (WFD; World Peace Service)
  

Notes to Editor:

Executive Summary – Joint Petition against the Inter-Ministerial Team:

Introduction
This Petition is filed by 17 leading international humanitarian aid organizations (INGOs) and the
Association of International Development Agencies (AIDA) which form the critical infrastructure
for providing medical services, food, and water to the civilian population in the West Bank and
Gaza. The Petitioners challenge the Respondents’ December 2025 decision, which orders the
“termination of their activities” due to their refusal to provide personal contact details (Nominal
Lists) of thousands of local employees. The Petition presents an unprecedented “legal
deadlock” in which the demands of the Israeli administration directly contradict international
privacy laws and the fundamental principles of humanitarian neutrality.

Urgent Request for an Interim Injunction
The Petitioners seek an interim Injunction to preserve the status quo and prevent the expiration
of their registration, the deportation of foreign staff and cessation of all activities until a final
ruling is reached. It is argued that the “Balance of Convenience” clearly favors the Petitioners:
while the Respondents will suffer no harm by maintaining the current situation, the cessation of
the organizations’ activities will lead to a humanitarian collapse and irreparable harm to the right
to life and health of hundreds of thousands of individuals in need.

Legal Arguments

A. Breach of the Inter-Ministerial Team’s Basic Obligations as an Administrative Authority

The Respondents’ conduct is tainted by administrative laches (undue delay) and a lack of good
faith. The Respondents delayed their response to registration requests for many months while
creating a false representation that the applications were under review. These draconian
requirements were imposed without granting a Right to be Heard and without meaningful
dialogue, violating the heightened duty of fairness applicable to the authority.

B. The Requirement for Employees’ Personal Details (Nominal Lists)
· B.1 GDPR Regulation and the “Adequacy” Issue: The Petitioners, who are bound by European
law, demonstrate that transferring employee data from the Occupied Palestinian Territory (oPt)
to Israeli security authorities constitutes a criminal and administrative offense. Since the
European Union’s “Adequacy” decision regarding Israel does not apply to the territories, the
organizations are exposed to heavy fines and tort claims. The Petition relies on the Schrems II
precedent of the Court of Justice of the European Union, which prohibits data transfer to
jurisdictions lacking independent judicial oversight over security agencies.
· B.2 The Demand for Employee Details and Violation of International Law: The requirement to
provide personal phone numbers and contact details of the entire staff violates the principle of
“Data Minimization” and endangers the personal safety of the employees. Turning humanitarian
organizations into an information-gathering arm for a party to the conflict stands in total
contradiction to the principle of neutrality.

C. The Decision for a Sweeping Cessation of Activity is Void Due to Illegality
· C.1 Decision Lacking Authority (Ultra Vires): The Team’s government mandate is limited to
technical registration and visas. Assuming the authority to order the termination of an
international organization’s activities is an extreme deviation from authority without an explicit
legal source.
· C.2 Deviation from Israel’s Sovereignty (Oslo Accords): Pursuant to the Civil Annex of the Oslo
Accords, the authority to register and manage NGOs operating in Palestinian Authority
territories was transferred to the Palestinians. Israel lacks the authority to order the closure of
these entities.

D. Regulation Article 8.4 – Voidness due to Lack of Authority and Breach of International Law
The Petitioners challenge the article in the regulation that allows for the suspension of
registration based on vague “security considerations” without a duty of specification or
reasoning.
· D.1 Applicability of Article 63 of the Fourth Geneva Convention: This article imposes an
obligation on the Occupying Power to allow relief societies to continue their work. The Petition
relies on expert legal opinions establishing that this provision fully applies to International NGOs
(INGOs) performing essential humanitarian functions.

E. Extreme Unreasonableness and Lack of Proportionality

The decision fails the “Proportionality Stricto Sensu” test: the limited administrative-security
benefit of collecting phone numbers is dwarfed by the catastrophic human damage caused by
withholding aid from the population. The Respondents refused to consider “less restrictive
means,” such as cross-referencing names against public global terror lists.

F. Violation of Israel’s Obligations to Facilitate Humanitarian Aid

As an Occupying Power, Israel bears positive obligations (Articles 55, 56, and 59 of the
Convention) to ensure the supply of food and medical services. Arbitrary and bureaucratic
interference with organizations fulfilling these duties constitutes a blatant violation of
international law and the directives of the International Court of Justice (ICJ).

The post Humanitarian organisations petition Israeli High Court as closure deadline approaches appeared first on United Against Inhumanity.

International humanitarian organizations operating in the occupied Palestinian territory warn that Israel’s recent registration measures threaten to halt INGO operations at a time when civilians face acute and widespread humanitarian need, despite the ceasefire in Gaza. On 30 December, 37 INGOs received official notification that their registrations would expire on 31 December 2025. This triggers a 60-day period after which INGOs would be required to cease operations in Gaza and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem.

INGOs are integral to the humanitarian response, working in partnership with the United Nations and Palestinian civil society organizations to deliver lifesaving assistance at scale. The United Nations, the Humanitarian Country Team, and donor governments have repeatedly affirmed that INGOs are indispensable to humanitarian and development operations and have urged Israel to reverse course.

Despite the ceasefire, humanitarian needs remain extreme. In Gaza, one in four families survives on just one meal a day. Winter storms have displaced tens of thousands, leaving 1.3 million people in urgent need of shelter. INGOs deliver more than half of all food assistance in Gaza, run or support 60 per cent of field hospitals, implement nearly three-quarters of shelter and non-food item activities, and provide all treatment for children with severe acute malnutrition. Their removal would close health facilities, halt food distributions, collapse shelter pipelines, and cut off life-saving care. In the West Bank, ongoing military raids and settler violence continue to drive displacement. Further restrictions on INGOs would sharply reduce the reach and continuity of lifesaving assistance at a critical moment.

Recent efforts to assess the impact of deregistering INGOs through selective metrics do not capture how humanitarian assistance is delivered in practice. Humanitarian access must be measured by whether civilians receive the right assistance, in the right place, at the right time.

INGOs operate under strict donor-mandated compliance frameworks, including audits, counterterror financing controls, and due diligence requirements that meet international standards. More than 500 humanitarian workers have been killed since 7 October 2023. INGOs cannot transfer sensitive personal data to a party to the conflict since this would breach humanitarian principles, duty of care and data protection obligations. False narratives delegitimize humanitarian organizations, endanger staff, and undermine the delivery of assistance.

This is not a technical or administrative matter, but a deliberate policy choice with foreseeable consequences. If registrations are allowed to lapse, the Israeli government will obstruct humanitarian assistance at scale. Humanitarian access is not optional, conditional, or political. It is a legal obligation under international humanitarian law. This move would also set a dangerous precedent by extending Israeli authority over humanitarian operations in the occupied Palestinian territory, contrary to the internationally recognized legal framework governing the territory and the role of the Palestinian Authority.

We call on the Government of Israel to immediately halt deregistration proceedings and lift measures obstructing humanitarian assistance. We urge donor governments to use all available leverage to secure the suspension and reversal of these actions. Independent, principled humanitarian operations must be protected to ensure civilians can receive the assistance they urgently need.

Note to editors:

• The role of INGOs is irreplaceable across all humanitarian sectors:
  • Health: INGOs run or support approximately 60 percent of Gaza’s field hospitals. Deregistration would result in the immediate closure of roughly one in three health facilities.
  • Food security: INGOs delivered more than half of all food assistance in 2024, including the majority of cooked-meal distribution points.
  • Shelter: INGOs have implemented nearly three-quarters of all shelter and non-food item activities. Approximately 600,000 shelter items are currently in INGO supply pipelines.
  • Water and sanitation: INGOs deliver 42 percent of all WASH services, including outbreak prevention and response for acute watery diarrhea.
  • Nutrition: INGOs support all five stabilization centers treating children with severe acute malnutrition, representing 100 percent of Gaza’s treatment capacity.
  • Mine action: INGOs provide more than half of all funding for explosive hazard clearance. Removal of INGOs would result in capacity reductions of up to 100 percent.
  • Education: INGOs run or support around 30 percent of emergency education activities, which already reach only a limited proportion of the school-age population.
• Principled humanitarian organizations cannot transfer sensitive personal data of national staff or their families. This is consistent with humanitarian principles, duty-of-care obligations, and global data-protection standards applied across all contexts.
• Restrictions on INGOs also directly affect Palestinian and Israeli partner organizations, undermining local response capacity, disrupting funding flows, and weakening community-based service delivery across sectors.
• INGOs are legally authorized to operate and remain committed to delivering humanitarian assistance through UN coordination systems and local partnerships, while continuing to seek the removal of measures that obstruct aid delivery.

Signatories:

1. Acs
2. Action Against Hunger (ACF)
3. Action for Humanity
4. ActionAid
5. American Friends Service Committee (AFSC)
6. Amnesty International
7. AOI – Cooperazione e Solidarietà internazionale – Italia
8. CADUS e.V.
9. Campaign for the Children of Palestine (CCP Japan)
10. CARE Canada
11. CARE International UK
12. Children are Not Numbers
13. Churches for Middle East Peace
14. CISS – Cooperazione Internazionale Sud Sud
15. Council for Arab-British Understanding (Caabu)
16. DanChurchAid
17. Danish Refugee Council
18. Diakonia
19. EducAid
20. Emergency NGO
21. Fondation Terre des hommes Lausanne
22. Glia
23. HEKS/EPER – Swiss Church Aid
24. Human Rights Solidarity
25. Humanity & Inclusion – Handicap International
26. INTERPAL
27. Islamic Relief
28. Japan International Volunteer Center (JVC)
29. Médecins du Monde – Suisse
30. Médecins du Monde – France
31. Médecins Sans Frontières
32. Medical Aid for Palestinians
33. medico international
34. Medicos Del Mundo (MDM – Spain)
35. Mennonite Central Committee
36. Middle East Children’s Alliance
37. NORWAC ( Norwegian aid committee)
38. Norwegian Church Aid
39. Norwegian People’s Aid
40. Norwegian Refugee Council
41. Oxfam
42. Pax Christi USA
43. Peace Winds Japan
44. Premiere Urgence Internationale
45. Quakers in Britain
46. Solidarités International
47. Terre des hommes Italy
48. Un Ponte Per
49. United Against Inhumanity
50. Vento di Terra ETS
51. War Child Alliance Foundation
52. War on Want
53. WeWorld-GVC

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More than a million Rohingya refugees from Myanmar are living in Bangladesh, where they are confined to camps and deprived of formal access to employment and education. In this context, it is critical to listen to refugee leaders such as human rights defender Dil Mohammed, who, according to the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention (WGAD), has been arbitrarily and unlawfully imprisoned by the Bangladeshi authorities.

Mohammed has been held in prolonged solitary confinement, subjected to coercive interrogations, and denied access to both his family and legal counsel.

In a decision published on November 21, WGAD has ordered the government of Bangladesh to release him immediately and provide him with compensation.

The Working Group has also called on Bangladesh to conduct an independent investigation into the violation of Mohammed’s rights and to report within six months on the steps taken to comply with the decision.

UAI urges the international community, particularly donor states, to Bangladesh to publicly endorse the Working Group’s findings and recommendations. Dil Mohammed’s treatment reflects a wider pattern of criminalisation and coercion against Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh, whose camps have become increasingly insecure as a result of the activities of competing armed groups, the security services, criminals, and traffickers.

The WGAD decision reveals the extent to which Rohingya human rights defenders are exposed to targeted repression. Their detention has a chilling effect on the entire refugee population, curbing their right to freedom of expression and association.

At the same time, inadequate steps are being taken to preserve the civilian character of the camps, leaving Rohingya youth at risk of conscription by militia groups. The Rohingya of Myanmar are one of the world’s most vulnerable populations. Dil Mohammed’s case is a stark reminder that those who have fled to Bangladesh are still unable to find a safe refuge.

United Against Inhumanity (UAI) works to highlight inhumanity in the treatment of civilians in wars and those seeking refuge, particularly in situations receiving inadequate attention.

In September 2025, UAI published a groundbreaking report calling for urgent changes in the way Rohingya civilians are treated, both in Myanmar and in the refugee camps in Bangladesh.

Read our Report on Alternative Approaches to the Rohingya Refugee Situation.

The post Bangladesh must release Rohingya Refugee Leader Dil Mohammed – UAI Statement appeared first on United Against Inhumanity.

As organizations committed to civil society and open civic space, we, the undersigned, are gravely concerned by the U.S. government’s (USG) decision to impose sanctions under Executive Order (EO) 14203 against three leading Palestinian human rights organizations — Al-Haq: Law in the Service of Man (Al-Haq), Al-Mezan Center for Human Rights (Al-Mezan), and the Palestinian Centre for Human Rights (PCHR) — for engaging with the International Criminal Court (ICC) to seek investigations into war crimes committed by Israel in Gaza. These sanctions create a chilling effect on humanitarian and human rights work in Gaza and undermine the abilities of civil society actors to pursue accountability under international law. They further threaten the civil society infrastructure in Gaza, hinder the documentation of human rights abuses, impede fact-finding missions, and deter legal cooperation with the ICC. If this suppression continues, accountability for the gravest international crimes will erode.

We join the Sept. 4 response of Volker Türk, Chief of the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), who unequivocally called on the United States to “withdraw immediately these sanctions,” warning that they pose a dire threat to independent civil society organizations (CSOs) engaged in essential accountability work. These calls were echoed by civil society and legal organizations.

This escalation — from sanctioning ICC individuals to now targeting organizations and UN officials — infuses political reprisals into the international justice and accountability framework. It deters organizations worldwide from pursuing accountability due to the fear of retaliation, creating a chilling effect on humanitarian and human rights work, where protection is most needed.

We urge the USG to immediately rescind the sanctions against Al-Haq, Al-Mezan, and PCHR.

Signatories:

1. A New Policy
2. American Civil Liberties Union
3. American Council for Judaism
4. American Friends Service Committee (AFSC)
5. Amnesty International USA
6. Ben and Jerry’s Foundation
7. CAIR-WA (Council on American-Islamic Relations, Washington State Chapter)
8. Center for Civilians in Conflict (CIVIC)
9. Center for Constitutional Rights
10. Center for Economic and Policy Research (CEPR)
11. Center for Jewish Nonviolence (CJNV)
12. Charity & Security Network
13. Churches for Middle East Peace
14. CIDSE – International Family of Catholic Social Justice Organisations
15. CIVICUS
16. CODEPINK
17. Confinium Strategies
18. Decolonize Sudan
19. Defence for Children International DCI
20. Defending Rights & Dissent
21. Democracy for the Arab World Now (DAWN)
22. DIAKONIA
23. Diana’s List
24. Dominican Sisters of Sparkill
25. Dorchester People for Peace (DPP)
26. Ensaaf
27. European Legal Support Center (ELSC)
28. Evangelical Lutheran Church in America (ELCA)
29. Foundation for Middle East Peace
30. Friends Committee on National Legislation (FCNL)
31. Funding Freedom
32. HEART to Grow
33. Historians for Peace and Democracy (HPAD)
34. Human Rights First
35. Human Rights Funders Network (HRFN)
36. Human Rights Watch (HRW)
37. IfNotNow Movement
38. Jewish Voice for Peace
39. Just Foreign Policy
40. Kenya Human Rights Commission
41. KinderUSA
42. Kolibri Foundation
43. MADRE
44. Maine Coalition for Palestine
45. Maryknoll Office for Global Concerns (MOGC)
46. Massachusetts Peace Action (MAPA)
47. MedGlobal
48. MENA Rights Group
49. Middle East Children’s Alliance (MECA)
50. Middle East Democracy Center (MEDC)
51. Minnesota Peace Project
52. MPower Change Action Fund
53. Muslim Civic Coalition
54. Muslim Legal Fund of America (MLFA)
55. Muslim Public Affairs Council (MPAC)
56. National Lawyers Guild – Bay Area Chapter
57. Nonviolence International
58. Oxfam America
59. Palestine Legal
60. Pax Christi International
61. Peace Action
62. Presbyterian Church (USA), Office of Public Witness
63. Project South
64. Rabbis for Ceasefire (R4C)
65. Regenerative Economies Organizing Collaborative (REO)
66. ReThinking Foreign Policy (RTFP)
67. rochester, minnesota franciscan community
68. RootsAction
69. Sagner Family Foundation
70. Statewatch
71. Terre des hommes Italia (TDH IT)
72. The Carter Center
73. The Episcopal Church
74. The Palestinian Assembly for Liberation (PAL)
75. The Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft (QI)
76. United Against Inhumanity (UAI)
77. United for Peace & Justice (UFPJ)
78. Western States Legal Foundation (WSLF)
79. World BEYOND War
80. Zakat Foundation of America

The post “U.S. Sanctions on Palestinian Human Rights Organizations Erodes International Law” appeared first on United Against Inhumanity.

The announcement of a ceasefire offers a long-overdue moment of relief and hope. However, it must mark the beginning – not the end – of the international community fulfilling its responsibilities.

This ceasefire announcement comes at a time of profound crisis – when life in Gaza stands on a precipice. A human-made famine has taken hold due to Israel’s continued and illegal blockade of the Gaza Strip, with tens of thousands of children at risk of death by acute malnutrition in the coming months. Women, men, children and older people have been severely deprived of the essentials required for survival and dignity, including food, water, fuel, shelter and medical care.

Sustained and indiscriminate bombardment has killed over 66,000 people and maimed over 150,000 – disabling at least 21,000 children – destroying entire neighbourhoods and wiping out generations of families. Thousands more remain missing beneath the rubble. Over 92% of homes, 518 schools, as well as hospitals, water, education and livelihood systems have been destroyed, damaged or contaminated with unexploded ordnance.

Today, 13 October 2025, marks two years since Israel’s first mass displacement order for 1.1 million Palestinians in Gaza – an order amounting to forcible transfer, a crime against humanity and a “form of collective punishment prohibited under International Humanitarian Law”. In defiance of international legal obligations, Israel has forcibly and repeatedly displaced at least 1.9 million people in Gaza, creating a humanitarian catastrophe in which children, pregnant women, older people, people with disabilities, the sick and injured struggle to flee, access aid, or survive in unsafe conditions.

Forcible transfer is happening throughout the occupied Palestinian territory. In the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, thousands have been forcibly displaced since October 2023, most alarmingly is the mass forcible displacement of around 32,000 Palestinians from northern West Bank refugee camps of Jenin and Tulkarem and Nur Shams, denied return till today.

Last month, the UN Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Occupied Palestinian Territory concluded that the Israeli authorities are committing genocide against Palestinians in the Gaza Strip. Leaders of major aid groups called on world leaders to intervene following the UN genocide conclusion.

These findings trigger clear legal obligations on all States to act to prevent further destruction, ensure accountability, and uphold the protections guaranteed under international law.

The ceasefire must establish the conditions for safe, principled humanitarian action and protection of civilians. To date, humanitarian access has been systematically denied or severely obstructed, with hundreds of aid and health care workers targeted and killed. Despite the existence of a principled UN coordinated mechanism that has reached communities despite countless obstructions by Israeli authorities, aid has been restricted through a militarised and unsafe distribution model implicated in the deaths of over 3,000 of civilians.Aid convoys are obstructed, bridges and roads have been demolished.

Diplomatic efforts have too often failed to uphold international law or protect civilians. The ceasefire must be the foundation for sustained action to restore protection and humanitarian access, enable the safe and voluntary return of displaced people, and ensure accountability.

We, as the humanitarian NGO community, therefore call for:

• A permanent and meaningful ceasefire with guarantees.

• All parties must protect civilians and humanitarian and healthcare workers.

• The safe, voluntary and dignified return of Palestinians to their homes throughout the occupied Palestinian territory accompanied with the scaled and sufficient humanitarian response to meet all needs.

• The protection and restoration of essential civilian infrastructure and services, including health, water, and sanitation systems.

• Full and unhindered principled humanitarian access for independent organisations to deliver comprehensive and swift life-saving assistance, including food, medicine, fuel, protection and essential services at scale. All land crossing-points must be reopened immediately and unconditionally, enabling the unrestricted passage of people and goods.

• The immediate release of arbitrarily detained Palestinians, including those held without charge or trial as administrative detainees.

• An end to the militarisation of assistance and the removal of barriers, including the denial of registration for INGOs on vague or spurious grounds and the requirements to provide staff lists.

• All States to fulfil their obligations including the duty to prevent further atrocity crimes, in line with international law, including the ICJ Advisory Opinion on Israel’s presence in the occupied Palestinian territory, the Genocide Convention, international humanitarian law.

• The immediate halt of the transfer of weapons, parts, and ammunition to Israel to prevent their use in violations of international law, in line with the Arms Trade Treaty provisions and as prescribed by the UN General Assembly resolution on the ICJ’s Advisory Opinion on Israel’s presence in the occupied Palestinian territory.

• A collective and transparent vision and coordinated approach to support rebuilding Gaza, a vision which must be driven by Palestinian agency and self-determination The occupied Palestinian territory cannot be an exception to the law that binds us all.

Download the statement and full list of signatories on the link below (available in English, Arabic, Hebrew, Spanish, French):

• Humanitarians cautiously welcome ceasefire announcement, demand end to two years of forced displacement of Palestinians in Gaza  (English)
• Las organizaciones humanitarias acogen con cautela el anuncio del alto el fuego y exigen el fin de dos años de desplazamiento forzoso de palestinos en Gaza  (Spanish)
• Les humanitaires accueillent avec prudence l’annonce du cessez-le-feu et exigent la fin de deux années de déplacement forcé des Palestiniens à Gaza  (French)
• العاملون في المجال الإنساني يرحبون بحذر بإعلان وقف إطلاق النار ويطالبون بإنهاء عامين من النزوح القسري للفلسطينيين في غزة  (Arabic)
• ארגונים הומניטריים מברכים בזהירות על ההכרזה על הפסקת אש ודורשים לשים קץ לשנתיים של עקירה בכפייה של פלסטינים בעזה  (Hebrew)

Signed by:

1. Abs Development organisation for woman and child
2. ACT Alliance
3. Act for Peace
4. ActionAid International
5. Action For Humanity
6. Africa Humanitarian Action
7. All We Can
8. American Friends Service Committee, AFSC
9. Asylum Access
10. CAFOD
11. Caritas International Belgium
12. Caritas Middle East and North Africa – Caritas MONA
13. Children of Earth Association- YEÇED
14. Christian Aid
15. Church World Service
16. Disable Development & Educational Foundation (DDEF)
17. DT Peduli
18. Golden Future Indonesia
19. Hayata Destek / Support to Life
20. HelpAge International
21. Horan Foundation
22. Human Initiative
23. ICVA Network Secretariat
24. IHH Humanitarian Relief Foundation
25. Insecurity Insight
26. International Blue Crescent Relief and Development Foundation
27. INTERSOS
28. Islamic Relief
29. Islamic Relief Agency (ISRA)
30. KinderUSA
31. Laznas Dewan Da’wah
32. MedGlobal
33. Medicines du Monde Spain
34. Mennonite Central Committee
35. National Foundation for Development and Humanitarian Response
36. Nonviolent Peaceforce
37. Philippine Humanitarian Care (PHILCARE) Inc.
38. Qudwah Indonesia
39. Refugee Council of Australia
40. Refugee Solidarity Network
41. Refugee-Led Organization Network (RELON) Uganda
42. Rumah Zakat
43. Samaj Kalyan O Unnayan Shangstha (SKUS)
44. SEAHUM Southeast Asia Humanitarian Committee
45. Syrian Networks League (SNL)
46. Terre des hommes Foundation
47. United Against Inhumanity (UAI)
48. Women’s Refugee Commission
49. Yayasan Dompet Dhuafa Republika
50. Yemen HDPNexus Initiative
51. Yemen National NGOs Forum

The post “Welcoming Gaza Ceasefire and marking two years of Forced Displacement” appeared first on United Against Inhumanity.

Since April 2023, when the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) began their disastrous war, the people of Sudan have been killed, displaced, starved and subjected to appalling acts of brutality. Millions have been driven from their homes, and entire communities live under siege conditions. Reports of widespread sexual and gender-based violence continue to shock the conscience of humanity.

Yet despite the scale of this catastrophe, the international response has been completely inadequate. Multiple mediation efforts have failed to coordinate competing initiatives or persuade the main parties to negotiate an end to the conflict. Humanitarian action has been hampered by chronic underfunding, limited distribution mechanisms and slow adaptation by international humanitarian actors to the context. In particular, it has failed to adjust to the urgency of providing support to locally led frontline mutual aid efforts. Above all, it has been impeded by the refusal of both SAF and RSF to grant meaningful access. Hunger is being used as a weapon of war.

Since June 2024, UAI has convened a Task Team on Sudan, bringing together political analysts, humanitarian professionals, academics, civil society and diaspora representatives. In June 2024, we first called for the appointment of a High-Level Humanitarian Envoy to work alongside the UN Secretary-General’s Personal Envoy. The case for such an appointment is now stronger than ever.  

A dedicated Humanitarian Envoy could:
– Focus international attention on civilian needs and sustain momentum when the political track is stalled;
– Re-energise fundraising by mobilising donor capitals and raising public awareness at a time when the 2025 Humanitarian Response Plans for Sudan and for Sudanese refugees remain massively underfunded;
– Support negotiations for humanitarian access across front lines, including in RSF-controlled areas, where new de facto governance structures are emerging;
– Provide strategic coherence with respect to the three million Sudanese refugees in neighbouring states, who currently fall between different UN country offices;
– Reinforce the work of the UN Humanitarian Coordinator in Port Sudan, whose remit and operating space are constrained by the authorities.

Precedent already exists for such a role. Ambassador Tom Vraalsen, the UN Secretary-General’s Special Envoy for Humanitarian Affairs for Sudan (1998 -2004), demonstrated the value of an independent humanitarian voice able to negotiate access and sustain international attention during a period of intense conflict. Drawing on that example, a new high-level Humanitarian Envoy could combine diplomatic authority and humanitarian legitimacy to engage across conflict lines and regional actors, helping to restore access and confidence in the UN’s neutrality and impartiality.

This proposal reflects not only the views of humanitarian actors and some supportive governments, but also the widest Sudanese pro-democracy coalition, Somoud, which has explicitly called for a special humanitarian coordinator in its Political Vision. Developments such as the Tasis Alliance’s parallel government in Nyala and the effective partition of the country underline the urgency of senior-level engagement from outside Sudan. Precedents such as Jan Egeland’s appointment on Syria show that a high-profile humanitarian figure can make a decisive difference.

UAI therefore urges governments, international organisations, civil society and the media to:
– Back the appointment of a High-Level Humanitarian Envoy for the Sudan emergency;
– Insist on a single international mediation mechanism to replace the current fragmented approaches; Increase financial and other support for local mutual aid groups and strengthen local leadership of humanitarian response and resilience building;
– Inject  significantly more resources into humanitarian operations and accountability efforts, including the pursuit of war crimes investigations.

Sudan is today the world’s largest humanitarian crisis. Its people deserve more than indifference.

The post “The World’s Worst Humanitarian Crisis: Immediate Action Vital for Civilians in Sudan” appeared first on United Against Inhumanity.